Posts Tagged ‘slavery’

Just published — The Readex Report: February 2012

Tuesday, February 14th, 2012

In our latest issue: The emancipation efforts of a forgotten Founding Father; a felonious figure pens a revered evangelical reference; and social media’s unprecedented impact on academic networking.

The Connecticut Webster on Slavery

By Joshua Kendall, author of The Forgotten Founding Father: Noah Webster’s Obsession and the Creation of an American Culture

The pure-bred New Englander revered the Constitution. Though the eloquent statesman hated slavery, he sought to eradicate this evil without destroying the union. Division was anathema to him, as could perhaps be guessed from his ancestral name, Webster, which means “uniter” in Anglo-Saxon. And some three score and eight years before the outbreak of the Civil War, whose 150th anniversary we commemorated last spring, he advocated a moderate course designed to steer clear of bloodshed.…(read article)

A Reverend Revealed: The Real Identity of One of the Most Influential (and Simplistic) Thinkers of the 19th Century

By James Lutzweiler, Archivist and Rare Book Curator, Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary

Pulitzer Prize winner William H. Goetzmann of Yale and the University of Texas was secure enough in his scholarship to be his own severest critic. About Beyond the Revolution: A History of American Thought from Paine to Pragmatism, the last book he wrote before his death in September 2010, Goetzmann lamented to this writer (who contributed one of the book’s backcover dust jacket reviews) shortly after its publication that he had forgotten to include a few thinkers he had intended to discuss. For a second editon, I would have suggested to him that he slightly modify the subtitle to read “…from Paine to Premillenialism,” and to have dedicated a chapter at least as long as that on Paine to a relatively unknown but enormously influential character called Cyrus Ingerson Scofield—when he wasn’t being called by his criminal alias “Charlie Ingerson.” (read article)

Academic Networking 2.0: Historians and Social Media

By Michael D. Hattem, PhD Student, Yale University

As the academic job market in history continues to shrink, networking has become something no tenure-track hopeful can afford to ignore. At the same time, the rise of social media has afforded historians with new and inventive ways to network with colleagues from around the world. Whether posting from conferences in real-time on Twitter, connecting with fellow historians on Facebook, or playing active roles in the blogosphere, younger historians are utilizing social media for both professional networking and scholarly development. (read article)

Subscribe today to receive the next quarterly issue of The Readex Report in your inbox. Browse previous issues in our archive. If you would like to comment, contribute or suggest an article, please email The Readex Report editor: readexreport@readex.com.

Be Sociable, Share!

Chocolate: A Readex Sampler (by Louis E. Grivetti)

Monday, February 13th, 2012

Chocolate: A Readex Sampler

By Louis E. Grivetti, Professor of Nutrition, Emeritus, University of California, Davis

International Association of Culinary Professionals (IACP) 2010 Award Finalist in the Culinary History category

Between the years 1998-2008 my large research team had the good fortune to be funded by a generous grant from Mars, Incorporated, to investigate the culinary, medicinal, and social history of chocolate.1 Our initial research focused on chocolate-related information from Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, and the transfer of medical-related uses of chocolate into Western Europe. Between the years 2004-2008 our research shifted to the introduction, distribution, and social uses of chocolate within North America. To this end we paid special attention to cacao/chocolate-related aspects of agronomy, anthropology, archaeology and art history, culinary arts, diet and nutrition, economics, ethnic and gender studies, geography, history, legal and medical issues, and social uses.

Click to enlarge

Our research team drew extensively on Colonial Era and Federal Era documents available through Early American Newspapers, especially chocolate/cacao-related advertisements, articles, price currents, obituaries, and shipping news documents. As a scholar who formerly spent months using microfilm documents—winding and re-winding reels searching for specific documents on specific dates—I report here that the new technologies available through Readex have made my work and that of my students a hundred times easier. Now, with a click of our computer “mice,” team members can retrieve thousands of documents that previously would have taken weeks to amass.

Presented here are examples that provide a brief “taste” of these chocolate-related documents.

ACCIDENTS AND NEGLIGENCE

Chocolate manufacturing required roasting and preparing cacao beans prior to milling, and fires were commonplace. Boston chocolate-maker Daniel Jacobs lost not only his business but his house:

The building … contained, besides the furniture, provisions, &c. 3,000 lb. of cocoa, and several 100 lb. of chocolate, which were nearly or quite all destroyed. The loss, at a moderate computation, is said to amount to Fire Hundred Pounds, lawful money (Boston Post Boy, March 30th, 1772, page 3).

Lack of adult supervision of children sometimes led to terrible consequences as with this tragic report:

One morning last week a child about 3 years old accidentally overset a large sauce-pan of hot chocolate into its bosom, whereby it was so terribly scalded that it died soon after (Boston Evening Post, December 2nd, 1765, page 3).

CRIME

Brothers Bossenor and William Foster, mid 18th-century Boston merchants, repeatedly had bad luck as their establishment was burglarized several times:

Whereas some evil-minded person or persons have again broke open the store of the subscribers, on Spear’s Wharf, and last night took from thence a number of articles amongst which was two firkins butter, about 50 or 60 lb. of chocolate mark’d W. Call, and S. Snow, half a barrel of coffee, nine or ten pair lynn shoes, some cocoa and sugar. (The Boston News-Letter and New-England Chronicle, February 9th, 1769, page 2).

Unscrupulous chocolate manufacturers sometimes “extended” their products by adding brick dust, chalk, and other items. Joseph Mann fought against this trend and criticized merchants who defrauded customers:

Joseph Mann … sells Chocolate, which will be warranted free of any Adulteration, likewise New-England Mustard, manufactured by said Mann, who will be glad of the Continuance of his former Customers, and thankfully receive the Favour [sic] of others (Boston Post Boy, March 6th, 1769, page 2).

DISEASE: SMALLPOX

The 1764 Boston smallpox epidemic struck in January and by February a number of chocolate merchants relocated to the periphery of the city to escape the pox. Rebecca Walker, manager of a general store opposite the Blue-ball near Mill Bridge, relocated to Roxbury where she resided at the home of Nathaniel Felton, Scythe-Maker, and sold:

All sorts of garden seeds imported in the last ship from London … Peas, beans, red and white clover and other grass seeds; hemp seed; Cheshire Cheese; Flour of Mustard; Jordan Almonds; Florence Oyl; split and boiling Peas; Stone and Glass Ware; Chimney Tiles; Kippen’s Snuff; Pipes, Spices, Sugar, Chocolate; English and Scotch GOODS, &c. (Boston Gazette and Country Journal, February 20th, 1764, page 4).

By early summer 1764 brothers John and Thomas Stevenson sought to offset the public’s smallpox fears through creative advertising. They announced that the disease was due to contaminated goods that entered the port of Boston—but if vessels were off-loaded elsewhere and merchandise transported overland, such items would be “free of the Infection of the Small-Pox” (The Boston Evening Post, June 25th, 1764, page 4).

ECONOMICS: COST OF LIVING

An anonymous pastor identified only as “TW” complained of high prices for food and life essentials. He described his living conditions in 1747 and longed for earlier days in 1707 when he purchased items at inexpensive rates: butter (6 pence/pound), cheese (2 pence/pound), dozen eggs (2 pence), beef and mutton (2 ½ pence/pound), pork and veal (3 pence/pound), sugar (6 pence/pound), chocolate (2 shillings & 6 pence = 18 pence/pound), and molasses (1 shilling & 10 pence = 22 pence/gallon). His concerns documented the importance of chocolate as an expensive but essential dietary item (The Boston Evening Post, December 14th, 1747, p. 2).

An anonymous letter written in 1728 also complained of high prices. He stated that at one time his family of eight needed only 12 shillings/week for food but with current high prices he was unable to supply his family essentials, such as butter, cheese, sugar, coffee, tea, and chocolate and that he also could not afford cider, fruits, liquor, tobacco, or wine. He lamented that his economic deprivations made it impossible to be hospitable and to perform acts of charity (New England Weekly Journal, November 25th, 1728, page 2).

ECONOMICS: PRICE CURRENTS AND SHIPPING NEWS DOCUMENTS

Price Current broadsides, commonly published in newspapers, announced what were considered fair prices for basic foods, beverages, hardware, and household essentials. Early American Newspapers contains several thousand Price Currents. Using these documents we captured chocolate-related data by city and date, tracked the information by geographical location (from Georgia northward to Canada), then considered the impacts of season (winter vs. summer prices) and potential hazard/risk (i.e., hurricane season and war years) on chocolate prices. By matching Price Current data with parallel chocolate-related advertisements, we observed that several North American chocolate merchants sometimes stockpiled enormous quantities of raw cacao beans or ground cocoa—up to 120,000 pounds—to offset seasonal and hazard-related market fluctuations

(John Parker & Sons, Independent Chronicle, April 18th, 1811, page 2; F. Beck, Columbian Centinel [sic], October 10th, 1812, page 1; Munson & Barnard, Boston Gazette, February 3rd, 1814, page 3).

Early American Newspapers includes thousands of shipping news articles, which announced the arrival/departure of ships at the major east coast ports. These allowed detailed economic analysis of the cacao/chocolate trade. Information provided included name and type of ship, master/captain, associated cargo, ports of origin and destination, and sometimes the names of chocolate-related merchants who received the cargos.

ETHICS: SLAVERY

Slave documents sometimes contained chocolate-related information. James Lubbuck, for example, identified himself a “chocolate grinder” and offered a 3£ reward for the return of his runaway slave (New England Weekly Journal, September 4th, 1727, page 2).

Boston merchant Daniel Sharley advertised that his runaway slave:

[Was] used to grind Chocolate and carry it about for Sale (The Boston News-Letter and New-England Chronicle, June 2nd, 1763, page 3).

John Maxwell, chocolate merchant, died in 1733 and his obituary notice reported a basic inventory of household goods for sale that included:

A Negro Woman, about Twenty Years of age, can do household work and grind chocolate very well; at the above said house (The Boston News-Letter, May 31st, 1733, page 2).

GENDER AND EQUAL OPPORTUNITY

Dorothy Jones and Jane Barnard opened the first chocolate house in Boston prior to the establishment of newspapers in New England. Their petition to the Boston Selectmen in 1670 included the following notation:

To keepe a house of publique Entertainment for the sellinge of Coffee and Chucalettoe2

Sixty years later Mrs. Reed (no first name provided) advertised the opening of her chocolate shop on King-Street, Boston and invited gentlemen patrons to drink chocolate, coffee, or tea and spend their leisure reading the news—with beverages served any time of day (Boston Gazette, September 13th, 1731, page 2).

By 1755 Mary Ballard had opened her coffee, tea, and chocolate house also on King Street. Her advertisements also were directed towards wealthy gentlemen, since chocolate was expensive and proper women did not frequent chocolate houses whether in England or North America:

For the Entertainment of Gentlemen, Benefit of Commerce and Dispatch of Business, a Coffee-house is this Day opened in King Street … Gentlemen who are pleased to use the House, may at any Time of the Day, after the Manner of those in London, have Tea, Coffee, or Chocolate, and constant Attendance given by their humble Servant, Mary Ballard (Boston Evening Post, December 8th, 1755, page 2).

POLITICS AND MILITARY ISSUES

Boston merchants sometimes asserted their loyalties overtly or subtly through newspaper advertisements. Daniel Jones sold chocolate at his general store on Newbury Street. In 1760 he published a series of newspaper advertisements announcing that:

Officers and Soldiers who have been in this Province Service may be supplied with … articles on short credit till their muster rolls are made up, as usual, the soldiers being well recommended (Boston Post-Boy, December 15th, 1760, page. 4).

Elizabeth Perkins advertised her political leanings in 1773 when she announced the location of her shop being “two doors below the British Coffee-House, North Side of King Street” where she sold chocolate and groceries (Boston Evening Post, August 30th, 1773, page 4).

George Fechem, chocolate-maker and probable loyalist, announced the sale of his mill and chocolate-related equipment in the fall of 1776:

A good chocolate mill, which will go with a horse and grind 120wt of chocolate in a day. Said mill consists of three good kettles, with twelve pestles in a kettle well leaded, nine dozen pans, one good nut cracker, a good musline [cloth] to clean the shells from nuts. Any Person wanting the same may apply to GEORGE FECHEM, near Watertown Bridge (Boston Gazette and Country Journal, September 9th, 1776, page 4).

CLIMATE, TEMPERATURE, AND HEALTH

Samuel Watts manufactured chocolate near the Boston Prison Yard. During the fall of 1751 unseasonably high temperatures threatened his business and he published the following apology:

By reason of the heat of the weather, he [i.e. Samuel Watts] has been unable to supply his customers with chocolate for these few weeks past, and fears to the loss of many of them (The Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, October 8th, 1751, page 2).

A mid-18th century chocolate-related statement of consumer concern received front page notice and warned that drinking hot chocolate served at temperatures higher than body heat would:

Thicken the blood [and] relax and weaken the Nerves and Stomach, and thereby hurt the Digestion, & produce Colics, &c (The Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, March 5th, 1751, page 1).

CODA

Our candidate for the first chocolate-related advertisement to appear in a North American English newspaper is the following, although we continue to search for an even earlier account:

To be sold in Boston at the Ware-house of Mr. James Leblond on the Long Wharf near the Swing-Bridge, new Lisbon Salt … also Rum, Sugar, Molasses, Wine, Brandy, sweet Oyl, Indigo … Cocoa, Chocolate, with all sorts of Spice, either by Wholesale or Retale [sic], at reasonable Rates (The Boston News-Letter, December 3rd, 1705, page 4).

Early American Newspapers provides the street names and general addresses for nearly 1,000 chocolate-related establishments in Boston from 1705 into the 19th century.3 An enjoyable educational activity would be to walk the streets of “old” Boston and search out these addresses, identify current ownership and commercial activities, and determine whether or not a chocolate link has been maintained between past and present.

About the Author

Louis Grivetti is Professor of Nutrition, Emeritus, at the University of California, Davis. He received his Ph.D. in geography (1976) at the University of California, Davis, with complementary training in nutrition and food science. His research specializations include the geography and history of food, edible wild plants and human survival during drought, and diet in antiquity. Professor Grivetti and Howard-Yana Shapiro are Co-Editors of the recently published book Chocolate: History, Culture, and Heritage (Wiley, 2009). The article above first appeared in the April 2011 issue of The Readex Report.

REFERENCES CITED:

1Grivetti, L.E. and Shapiro, H.-Y., Editors. 2009. Chocolate. History, Culture, and Heritage. Hoboken, New Jersey: A. John Wiley & Sons.

2Gay, J.F. 2009. Chocolate. Production and Uses in 17th and 18th Century North America. p. 281. In: Grivetti and Shapiro Editors (above).

3Grivetti, L.E. 2009. Boston Chocolate, 1700-1825. People, Occupations, and Addresses. pp. 817-835. In: Grivetti and Shapiro Editors (above).

Be Sociable, Share!

Finding Fatalism and Overconfidence in a Cruel Port (by Ian Olivo Read)

Wednesday, January 25th, 2012

Finding Fatalism and Overconfidence in a Cruel Port: The Bubonic Plague’s First Appearance in Brazil

By Ian Olivo Read, Assistant Professor of Latin American Studies, Soka University of America

Published by Stanford University Press on January 25, 2012

On October 18, 1899, Brazilian health officials declared that bubonic plague had arrived. Bacteriologists identified the bacteria in samples taken from sick patients in Santos, a port city that had grown rapidly due to Brazil’s coffee boom. For much of history, people reacted to the news of plague with panic, flight and violence. When plague struck Santos, however, the town did not empty of its residents, international ships were not quarantined outside the port, and authorities or militias did not form “rifle cordons” at roads leading out of town. In fact, according to one report, “the news that bubonic plague had broken out in Santos seems to have made an impression everywhere but here. Santistas are, as a rule, of a somewhat skeptic frame of mind and reports about sickness and epidemics do not frighten them unduly.”

Source: Latin American Newspapers, 1805-1922

This was Brazil’s first recorded outbreak of plague, but it was only one of a chain of epidemics that had occurred since 1894 when plague had escaped from its natural reservoirs among rodents in the Himalayas. The Yersinias pestis pathogen spread eastward, facilitated by busy colonial networks and the quickening pace of globalization. For the next 50 years it struck various port cities and coastal areas of nearly every continent. When the third bubonic plague pandemic crossed the Atlantic to reach South America in 1899, its victims suffered no differently than elsewhere. In its first stages, the infected developed painful and swollen lymph glands, fever and aches. As bacteria overwhelmed the immune system, fever turned to shock, organ failure and, for about 50 percent of those who contracted the disease, death. Not only did the third pandemic spread plague among humans throughout the world, it also introduced the Yersinias pestis to other species of rodents on multiple continents, where the bacteria persist today in these relatively new natural reservoirs.

Bubonic plague has long been a fearsome disease, and is described as such in biblical writings. This was its first appearance in a deeply Catholic country, where many more people understood its propagation divinely rather than pathogenically. Yet why did Santos residents react with nonchalance? First, plague in this locality, or any other for that matter, cannot be understood without the larger epidemiological context. By the end of the nineteenth century, Santos had developed an international reputation as a dirty and dangerous place due to its unshakable pestilence. American mariners called Santos the “cemetery to the world.” For John Masefield, the English poet, “it’s a cruel port is Santos, and a hungry land.” Of biggest blame was yellow fever, a virus that had seen very little place in Brazil before 1849, but developed as fierce epidemics with nearly annual appearances in the 1850s, 1870s and 1890s. So many foreign mariners died, in fact, that even when the city built a large new cemetery in 1854, bones had to be dug up and the holes filled with fresh corpses less than every two years. After decades of attempts to eliminate “effluvia,” drain swamps and initiate sweeping public health reforms, many Santistas saw epidemics as an intractable part of their daily life and town character.

The second reason why Santos residents reacted so coolly was that many did not think it would become a serious problem. Literate Brazilians had tracked the disease through newspaper reports from its first Asian outbreaks in 1894 to its movement to the Middle East and Europe in 1899. Early epidemics, such as those in Hong Kong and Bombay, prompted concern because of high death tolls. But these were distant lands, with little connection to South America. Furthermore, few believed it could spread beyond Asia. They were proven wrong, of course, as the disease leapt continents over the next five years. Geographically it broadened in scope, but in virulence it appeared to diminish. Brazilian newspapers reported that after its arrival to Egypt and Portugal bubonic plague did not develop into frightening proportions. These reports also lent confidence to exciting new developments in bacteriology that allowed doctors to identify Yersinias pestis in a microscope. Additionally, the millenniums-old mystery on why swarms of dead rats foretold outbreaks of plague was explained by a communicable germ. In 1895, Alexandre Yersin at the Pasteur Institute in France developed the first anti-plague serum, but Brazilian newspapers of the day spent more time discussing how local health authorities could acquire or manufacture the serum than how trials of Yersin’s serum in Canton and Bombay had largely failed.

In sum, it was a combination of fatalism among some, and overconfidence in medicine’s ability to limit the epidemic’s effects among others that allowed the town to largely escape panic when a new deadly disease knocked on its backdoor. Nonchalance was not shared nationally, nor did it diminish a serious public health reaction. Soon after, federal and state governments created institutions that eventually acquired world renown, such as the Butantan and Oswaldo Cruz Institutes. These organizations helped fight plague, which took root and slowly persisted in Brazil, but never became epidemic. Finally, bubonic plague arrived at the end of a five-decade period of unusual epidemiological activity that had profound, yet still unknown, consequences on the country’s society and economy.

In the detailed account of the outbreak of plague in Santos, or the larger story of the changing epidemiological environment and its consequences in Brazil, there are new digital history tools at our disposal, including Latin American Newspapers, 1805-1922. In the last decade historians have witnessed a revolution in digitizing and OCR technology. This has allowed millions of pages of old newspapers to be digitized, converted to machine readable text, placed within database programs and made accessible on the Internet. As a result, the proverbial needle in the haystack can be now found by typing “needle” into a search bar. In many respects these tools are still too new to have all their problems solved. Digitized newspaper quality is sometimes subpar, humans still do much better than OCR programs in deciphering low quality text, and the website interfaces that direct searches to information can be cumbersome or slow. Despite these limitations, these new tools give historians much more power in separating the informational wheat from what was previously an overwhelming amount of chaff.

For more information on this research, please visit http://eraofepidemics.squarespace.com/

About the Author

Ian Olivo Read, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of Latin American Studies at Soka University of America, in southern Orange County, California. Read previously taught at Stanford University, University of Puget Sound and the University of California, Berkeley. He has written on the history of the United Fruit Company, elite networks in Brazil and Mexico, and the health and medical treatment of Brazilian slaves. His new book, The Hierarchies of Slavery in Santos, Brazil, 1822-1888, was published by Stanford University Press on January 25, 2012. Linda Lewin, University of California, Berkeley, says Read’s book “offers the most comprehensive view of a discrete, urban Brazilian slave population yet to be produced and is a very important contribution to the history of slavery, not only in Brazil but also in comparative perspective.” The article above first appeared in the April 2011 issue of The Readex Report.

Sources

Myron J. Echenberg, “Pestis Redux: The Initial Years of the Third Bubonic Plague Pandemic, 1894-1901,” Journal of World History, Vol. 13, No. 2, Fall 2002, 429-449; Myron J. Echenberg, Plague Ports: The Global Urban Impact of Bubon Plague, 1894-1901, New York: New York University Press, 2007; Jornal do Commercio¸ (Rio de Janeiro), 1894-99; O Estado do São Paulo (São Paulo), 1894-99; and Brazilian Review (Rio de Janeiro), 1899.

Be Sociable, Share!

Press Release: Announcing Afro-Americana, 1535-1922 — the online edition of the Library Company’s unparalleled collection

Monday, January 16th, 2012

Today we distributed this news release:

Readex to Launch Digital Edition of the Library Company of Philadelphia’s Unparalleled Collection of Afro-Americana

More than 12,000 searchable books, pamphlets, and broadsides will stimulate new research on centuries of African American history, literature, and life 

Source: Library Company of Philadelphia/Afro-Americana Collection

January 16, 2012 (NAPLES, FL) – A digital edition of Afro-Americana, 1535-1922: From the Library Company of Philadelphia will be introduced in late Spring 2012 by Readex, a division of NewsBank. Created from the Library Company’s acclaimed collection—an accumulation that began with Benjamin Franklin and has steadily increased throughout its entire history—this unique new online resource will provide researchers with more than 12,000 wide-ranging printed works about African American history. Critically important subjects covered include the West’s discovery and exploitation of Africa; the rise of slavery in the New World along with the growth and success of abolitionist movements; the development of racial thought and racism; descriptions of African American life—slave and free—throughout the Americas; and slavery and race in fiction and drama. Also featured are printed works of African American individuals and organizations.

“The Library Company’s Afro-Americana Collection is one of the most comprehensive and valuable archives of printed material by and about people of African descent anywhere in the world,” says Professor Richard Newman of the Rochester Institute of Technology. “From early descriptions of African society and culture to the black struggle for justice in the Americas during the 19th century, it remains a touchstone for scholars and students alike. To have it available online and at your fingertips in a searchable format will be a dream come true.”

Source: Library Company of Philadelphia/Afro-Americana Collection

The works in this collection, many of which are quite rare, span nearly 400 years, from the early 16th to the early 20th century. Examples include David Walker’s 1829 Appeal . . . to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in Particular, and Very Expressly to Those of the United States of America, a militant attack on both southern slavery and efforts to colonize free blacks; Lydia Maria Child’s 1833 essay, An Appeal in Favor of That Class of Americans Called Africans; William Still’s The Underground Rail Road: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters, &c., Narrating the Hardships, Hair-breadth Escapes, and Death Struggles of the Slaves in Their Efforts for Freedom (1872); William J. Simmons’ Men of Mark: Eminent, Progressive and Rising (1887); and Booker T. Washington’s The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery, published in 1909.

Source: Library Company of Philadelphia/Afro-Americana Collection

Also included are such important but lesser-known works as Joseph Sidney, An Oration, Commemorative of the Abolition of the Slave Trade (New York, 1809) and Russell Parrott, An Oration on the Abolition of the Slave Trade . . . First of January, 1814 (Philadelphia, 1814), two works by African American authors celebrating January 1 anniversaries of the end of the slave trade; Grand Bobalition of Slavery! (Boston, 1820), a satire of such celebrations, one example of a long-overlooked genre; Robert B. Lewis, Light and Truth (Portland, Maine, 1836), which champions the central role of black Africans in laying the basis for ancient civilization; William Wells Brown, The Black Man: His Antecedents, His Genius, and His Achievements (an 1865 republication in newly-liberated Savannah of an 1863 collective biography of prominent blacks, many still alive, and most, like the author, former slaves); Martin R. Delany, Principia of Ethnology: The Origins of Race and Color, with an Archeological Compendium of Ethiopian and Egyptian Civilization (Philadelphia, 1879), a work by an African American analyzing the origins of color and race and championing black creativity; Charles Carroll, “The Negro a Beast” or “In the Image of God” (St. Louis, 1900), one of many savage works by whites denying the humanity of blacks; and three works by the preeminent African American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois: The Atlanta Conferences (Atlanta, 1902); Some Efforts of American Negroes for Their Own Social Betterment (Atlanta, 1898); and A Select Bibliography of the Negro American (Atlanta, 1905).

Source: Library Company of Philadelphia/Afro-Americana Collection

The Library Company’s Afro-Americana Collection began to gain international renown for its size, range, and significance in the late 1960s as scholars, influenced by civil rights activism, initiated fresh studies of slavery’s part in the American story. “As researchers rediscovered the importance of the long-neglected writings of African Americans, they told us that our collection was vital to new scholarship in African American studies,” says Librarian James N. Green. The Library Company mounted the path-breaking exhibition “Negro History, 1553-1903” in 1969, and followed that with the publication in 1973 of the magisterial bibliography Afro-Americana 1553-1906: A Catalog of the Holdings of the Library Company of Philadelphia and the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Since then, Afro-Americana has been a priority of the Library Company, and the collection has grown with each year. A second edition of the Catalog, including 2,500 works acquired since 1973, was published in 2008, preserving and extending the legacy of this landmark work and now providing the bibliographic control for Readex’s online edition. Afro-Americana, 1535-1922 will be fully integrated into America’s Historical Imprints for seamless searching with Early American Imprints, Series I and II: Evans and Shaw-Shoemaker, 1639-1819 and the recent Supplements from the Library Company of Philadelphia, which have added nearly 2,000 newly discovered items. In addition, Afro-Americana, 1535-1922 will be cross-searchable with all Archive of Americana collections, including African American Newspapers, 1827-1998 and African American Periodicals, 1825-1995.

Source: Library Company of Philadelphia/Afro-Americana Collection

Researchers around the world have praised advance word of the partnership between Readex and the Library Company to digitize this landmark collection. UCLA Emeritus Professor Gary Nash writes, “The benefits to scholarship and teaching that will come when the Library Company’s Afro-Americana Collection is made into a digital database are virtually immeasurable. This will be a major step in infusing American history in general with its vitally important African American component. Teachers at all levels will find this a gold mine.”

And University of Michigan Professor Martha S. Jones says, “Today, early African American studies is a global enterprise that includes researchers throughout the United States as well as Europe, Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America. This collaboration between the Library Company and Readex will bring new resources into reach and enrich this still expanding field of research and study.”

About the Library Company of Philadelphia

The Library Company is an independent research library specializing in American history and culture from the 17th through the 19th centuries. Founded in 1731 by Benjamin Franklin, the Library Company is America’s first successful lending library and oldest cultural institution. Free and open to the public, the Library Company houses an extensive non-circulating collection of rare books, manuscripts, broadsides, ephemera, prints, photographs, and works of art. The mission of the Library Company is to preserve, interpret, make available, and augment the valuable materials within its care. It serves a diverse constituency throughout Philadelphia and the nation, offering comprehensive reader services, an internationally renowned fellowship program, online catalogs, and regular exhibitions and public programs.

With the creation of the Program in African American History in 2007 (currently directed by Erica Armstrong Dunbar, an associate professor of history at the University of Delaware), the Library Company has expanded fellowships, conferences, exhibitions, publications, public programming, teacher training, and acquisitions to help achieve the full potential represented by its holdings in this area. For more information about this Program, see http://www.librarycompany.org/paah/

About Readex, a division of NewsBank

For more than sixty years, the Readex name has been synonymous with research in historical materials and government documents. Recognized by librarians, students, and scholars for its efforts to transform academic scholarship, Readex offers a wealth of Web-based collections in the humanities and social sciences, including the Archive of Americana, a family of historical collections featuring searchable books, pamphlets, newspapers, and government documents printed in America over three centuries, and the World Newspaper Archive, created in partnership with the Center for Research Libraries. Also available are the Foreign Broadcast Information Service Daily Reports and the Joint Publications Research Service Reports, two of the U.S. government’s fundamental sources of political, historical and scientific open source intelligence during the second half of the 20th century.

# # #

For more information, contact Readex Marketing Director David Loiterstein by calling 1.800.762.8182 or emailing dloiterstein@readex.com.

Be Sociable, Share!

Law and Disorder: Urbana University Students Bring an 1857 Court Case to Life

Thursday, April 7th, 2011

Our guest blogger today is Julie Ann McDaniel, Librarian, Swedenborg Memorial Library, Urbana University 

Source: The Historical Marker DataBase

Mechanicsburg, Ohio is a really small place today—less than 2,000 people—so imagine what the population would have been in 1857. But this little community was the site of an event that lead to a federal court case to determine the constitutionality of the Fugitive Slave Act.

Many local students knew vaguely of the story of Addison White, a runaway slave from Kentucky. His master tracked him to Mechanicsburg and sent slave catchers to bring him back. No one expected the townspeople of Mechanicsburg to arrive with pitchforks and carpet beaters to chase the slave catchers away.

Source: RemarkableOhio.org

Addison White left town quickly via the Underground Railroad; the stationmaster who had harbored him, Udney Hyde, also disappeared for almost a year. But the slave owner went to court to get an arrest warrant, and federal marshals were sent back to Mechanicsburg in search of White and Hyde. When they discovered they had already left town, the federal marshals arrested four other Mechanicsburg residents and headed to Cincinnati. A flurry of writs of habeas corpus ensued; bullets were exchanged at locations in Champaign, Clark and Greene Counties, leaving a sheriff’s deputy wounded.

From the Milwaukee Daily Sentinel, June 11, 1857

Using The Civil War: Antebellum Period to Reconstruction, our students were able to trace reports of and reaction to the story and court case from newspapers throughout the United States. What started out as a local event soon became a nationwide story. Our students were able to see how details were distorted, overlooked and misreported. They were able to see how differing opinions tinged the reporting about the case. Ultimately, they were able to see that something that happens in a little place can have a major impact on the national scene.

As a result of the research our history students did using The Civil War, our theatre students and faculty were able to create a Readers Theatre piece that was shared with more than 150 people from our campus and community. Student readers read the text from the newspapers to recreate the events, and they asked the audience to vote about which newspaper reports represented their views. Were the marshals justified in arresting the wrong citizens? Were the citizens of Mechanicsburg justified in defying the Fugitive Slave Act?

The Urbana University cast of "Law and Disorder"

As Urbana history professor J. Michael Rhyne, Ph.D., wrote:

The Civil War: Antebellum Period to Reconstruction was extraordinarily useful for our research on the Underground Railroad in Ohio. In particular, it allowed us to track the Addison White story as it was reported throughout the country, and it gave students access to competing interpretations of events in Ohio in 1857. One student wrote a seminar paper focused on how the Addison White case was reported around the country, while another wrote a short play about the court proceedings, using direct quotes from the newspapers for dialogue!

“Additionally, the database allowed us to put the Addison White case in national perspective, coinciding as it did with the Supreme Court’s ruling on the Dred Scott case. Indeed, we found that readers throughout the nation received detailed accounts in their newspapers of events in and around what we had assumed to be the sleepy little hamlet of Mechanicsburg, Ohio. In sum, the ability swiftly to locate these stories (i.e., without traveling to far-flung archives), thus broadening our understanding of the importance of the Addison White case, proved invaluable.”

Historic buildings on the Urbana University campus

Ultimately, the information provided by The Civil War: Antebellum to Period to Reconstruction enabled our students to conduct primary source research without extensive travel or time delays waiting for microfilm reels to arrive through interlibrary loan. It allowed our students to see a historical event reveal itself as they moved from one report to the next. And by using the Readers Theatre format to share the story of Addison White, they demonstrated their learning and understanding of the complex case in a unique way.

Be Sociable, Share!

New Issue Available: The Readex Report (February 2011)

Tuesday, February 15th, 2011

In our latest issue, you’ll find an overlooked lion of abolitionism; a humorous commentary on a dated matrimonial primer; unsung talents from the golden age of radio; and a fresh conversation with a Beat Generation icon.

Writing the David Ruggles Biography: Newspapers Help Complete the Portrait of a Radical Black Abolitionist 

By Graham Russell Gao Hodges, George Dorland Langdon Jr. Professor of History and Africana & Latin American Studies, Colgate University

Avoiding Errors, Fopperies, and Follies: How to be a Good Wife

By Elizabeth Hopwood, Graduate Student, English Department, Northeastern University

Early Radio Broadcasting: Solving Mysteries with America’s Historical Newspapers

By Donna L. Halper, Assistant Professor of Communication, Lesley University

Talking News with Carolyn Cassady: A Conversation with the Matriarch of the Beat Generation

By David Whittaker, Writer and Content Specialist, NewsBank

Subscribe today to receive the April 2011 issue in your inbox. Browse previous issues in our archive. If you would like to contribute or suggest an article, contact The Readex Report editor by emailing readexreport@readex.com.

Be Sociable, Share!

Researching Nat Turner’s Slave Revolt in American (and African American) Newspapers

Monday, January 31st, 2011

Nat Turner preaches religion. Image Credit: The Granger Collection, New York

Whites throughout the American South were traumatized in the summer of 1831 by a bloody slave revolt led by Nat Turner, a man his fellow slaves called “The Prophet.” By all accounts, Turner was an intelligent but peculiar man. Although education for slaves was widely outlawed, he taught himself to read as a young child and pored over the Bible. He often avoided people and spent much time fasting, praying, and preaching to other slaves. Turner believed he received visions from God—one vision instructed him to be an instrument of revenge against whites for their wicked ways.

The Capture of Nat Turner (1800-1831) by Benjamin Phipps on 30 October 1831

Beginning on Aug. 21, 1831, Turner led as many as 70 followers on a 36-hour rampage to free slaves and kill whites in Southampton County, Virginia. By the time the local militia rallied and scattered Turner’s band, 55 whites—31 of them infants and children—were dead, most of them butchered. Although the local militia defeated Turner’s band the next day and captured several of the rebels, Turner himself escaped and hid in the woods, avoiding capture for over two months. On Oct. 30 he was discovered and apprehended. On Nov. 5, Turner was convicted and sentenced to die; six days later he was executed.

1831 woodcut from the book, Authentic and Impartial Narrative of the Tragical Scene Which Was Witnessed in Southampton County

Nat Turner’s rebellion, capture, trial and hanging were big news, especially in Southern newspapers. This article was printed by the Petersburg Intelligencer (Petersburg, Virginia) and reprinted by the Baltimore Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Baltimore, Maryland) on Nov. 5, 1831:

Capture of Nat Turner

The Petersburg Intelligencer received this morning contains the following account of this individual:

It is with much gratification we inform the public, that the sole contriver and leader of the late insurrection in Southampton—concerning whom such a hue and cry has been kept up for months, and so many false reports circulated—the murderer Nat Turner, has at last been taken and safely lodged in prison.

It appears that on Sunday morning last, Mr. Phipps, having his gun, and going over the land of Mr. Francis (one of the first victims of the hellish crew), came to a place where a number of pines had been cut down, and perceiving a slight motion among them, cautiously approached, and when within a few yards, discovered the villain who had so long eluded pursuit, endeavoring to ensconce himself in a kind of cave, the mouth of which was concealed with brush. Mr. P. raised his gun to fire; but Nat hailed him and offered to surrender. Mr. P. ordered him to give up his arms; Nat then threw away an old sword, which it seems was the only weapon he had. The prisoner, as his captor came up, submissively laid himself on the ground, and was thus securely tied—not making the least resistance!

Mr. P. took Nat to his own residence, where he kept him until Monday morning—and having apprized his neighbors of his success, a considerable party accompanied him and his prisoner to Jerusalem, where after a brief examination, the culprit was committed to jail.

Our informant (one of our own citizens, who happened to be in the county at the time), awards much praise to the people of Southampton for their forbearance on this occasion. He says that not the least personal violence was offered to Nat—who seemed, indeed, one of the most miserable objects he ever beheld—dejected, emaciated and ragged. The poor wretch, we learn, admits all that has been alleged against him—says that he has at no time been five miles from the scene of his atrocities; and that he has frequently wished to give himself up, but could never summon sufficient resolution!

Mr. Phipps, as the sole captor of Nat, is alone entitled to the several rewards (amounting in the aggregate, as we understand, to about $1,100) offered by the Commonwealth and different gentlemen, for his apprehension; and we are told, that in this instance Fortune has favored a very deserving individual—to whom, in addition to the pleasure arising from the recollection of the deed, the money derived from it will not be unacceptable.

This article was printed by the Alexandria Gazette (Alexandria, Virginia) on Nov. 8, 1831:

Extract of a Letter Received in Richmond Dated Southampton, Nov. 1.

Nat Turner is at last safely lodged in jail. He answers exactly the description annexed to the Governor’s Proclamation, except that he is of a darker hue, and his eyes, though not large are prominent—they are very long, deeply seated in his head, and have rather a sinister expression. A more gloomy fanatic you have never heard of. He gave, apparently with great candor, a history of the operations of his mind for many years past, of the signs he saw, the spirit he conversed with; of his prayers, fastings, and watchings, and of his supernatural powers and gifts, in curing diseases, controlling the weather, &c. These he considered for a long time only as a call to superior righteousness; and it was not until rather more than a year ago that the idea of emancipating the blacks entered his mind. How this idea came, or in what manner it was connected with his signs, &c. I could not get him to explain in a manner at all satisfactory—notwithstanding I examined him closely upon this point he always seemed to mystify. He does not, however, pretend to conceal that he was the author of the design, and that he imparted it to five or six others, all of whom seemed prepared with ready minds and hands to engage in it. These were they who rendezvoused in the field near Travis’s. He says their only arms were hatchets and axes at the commencement—that he entered Travis’s house by an upper window, passed through his chamber, and going through the outer door into the yard to his followers, told them that the work was now open to them. One of them, Hark, went into the house and brought out three guns—they then commenced their horrid butchery, he, Nat, giving the first blow, with a hatchet, both to his master and mistress, as they lay asleep in bed. He says that indiscriminate massacre was not their intention after they obtained foothold, and was resorted to in the first instance to strike terror and alarm. Women and children would afterwards have been spared, and men too who ceased to resist.

I had intended to enter into further particulars, and indeed to have given you a detailed statement of his confessions, but I understand a gentleman is engaged in taking them down verbatim from his own lips, with a view of gratifying public curiosity; I will not therefore forestall him.

On Nov. 8, three days before his execution, the Richmond Compiler (Richmond, Virginia) ran this article. It was reprinted by the Macon Telegraph (Macon, Georgia) in its Nov. 19, 1831, issue:

We understand that Nat Turner, the head of the Southampton Tragedy, was tried by the Court of that county on Saturday last. The evidence against him was clear and irresistible—he was condemned, and sentenced to be executed on Friday next. Will some future fatalist pretend to assert of him, as a Romancer of Albany has lately said of Gabriel, that he was torn to pieces by horses? We need scarcely add, that these remarkable executions are unknown in Virginia—that the insurgent, like any other murderer, dies by the cord—and that Nat Turner will be hung as were his associates in the massacre of Southampton.

This notice was printed by the State Rights Free Trade (Charleston, South Carolina) on Nov. 14, 1831:

A Virginia paper says: “The speedy retribution which has overtaken Nat Turner and his murderous accomplices will be an awful warning to such deluded wretches forever hereafter. Not one has escaped!”

The Richmond Enquirer (Richmond, Virginia) ran this article in its Nov. 18, 1831, issue:

Nat Turner.—This wretched culprit expiated his crimes (crimes at the bare mention of which the blood runs cold) on Friday last. He betrayed no emotion, but appeared to be utterly reckless in the awful fate that awaited him, and even hurried the executioner in the performance of his duty! Precisely at 12 o’clock he was launched into eternity. There were but a few people to see him hanged. [Apropos—The Albany biographer of negro cut-throats will please to remember, that Nat was not torn limbless by horses, but simply “hanged by the neck till he was dead.” He may say, however, that General Nat sold his body for dissection, and spent the money in ginger cakes.]

A gentleman of Jerusalem has taken down his confession, which he intends to publish with an accurate likeness of the brigand, taken by Mr. John Crawley, portrait painter of this town, to be lithographed by Endicott & Swett, of Baltimore. [Norfolk Herald.]

Refusing all entreaties to say a final word, Turner went calmly to his death. When they tightened the rope, he took a last breath and passed away without a kick or twitch, much to the crowd’s astonishment. This remarkable death scene was noted in this article, printed by the National Gazette and Literary Register (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) in its Nov. 19, 1831, issue:

Nat Turner.—We learn, says the Petersburg Intelligencer, by a gentleman from Southampton, that the fanatical murderer, Nat Turner, was executed according to sentence, at Jerusalem Friday last, about 1 o’clock. He exhibited the utmost composure throughout the whole ceremony; and although assured that he might if he thought proper, address the immense crowd assembled on the occasion, declined availing himself of the privilege, and told the sheriff in a firm voice that he was ready. Not a limb nor a muscle was observed to move. His body, after death, was given over to the Surgeons for dissection.

This comment was printed by the City Gazette & Commercial Daily Advertiser (Charleston, South Carolina) in its Nov. 21, 1831, issue:

Nat Turner, the somewhat notorious, was hung at Norfolk on the 11th inst. He met his fate with a stupid sort of indifference—sold his body to the surgeons for dissection, and spent the money in ginger-cakes!

African-American newspapers printed in the latter half of the nineteenth century provide a different perspective on Nat Turner. Turner is viewed as a hero in the following examples, one a poem and the other an oration.

This poem was printed by the Cleveland Gazette (Cleveland, Ohio) on Nov. 22, 1884:

Nat Turner

By T. Thomas Fortune.

He stood erect, a man as proud

As ever to a tyrant bowed

Unwilling head or bent a knee,

And longed, while bending, to be free;

And o’er his ebon features came

A shadow—’twas of manly shame—

Aye, shame that he should wear a chain

And feel his manhood writhed with pain,

Doomed to a life of plodding toil,

Shamefully rooted to the soil!

He stood erect; his eyes flashed fire;

His robust form convulsed with ire;

“I will be free! I will be free!

Or, fighting, die a man!” cried he.

Virginia’s hills were lit at night—

The slave had risen in his might;

And far and near Nat’s wail went forth,

To South and East, and West and North,

And strong men trembled in their power,

And weak men felt ’twas now their hour.

“I will be free! I will be free!

Or, fighting, die a man!” cried he.

The tyrant’s arm was all too strong,

Had swayed dominion all too long;

And so the hero met his end

As all who fall as Freedom’s friend.

The blow he struck shook slavery’s throne;

His cause was just, e’en skeptics own;

And round his lowly grave soon swarmed

Freedom’s brave hosts for freedom arm’d.

That host was swollen by Nat’s kin

To fight for Freedom, Freedom win,

Upon the soil that spurned his cry:

“I will be free, or I will die!”

Let tyrants quake, e’en in their power,

For sure will come the awful hour

When they must give an answer, why

Heroes in chains should basely die,

Instead of rushing to the field

And counting battle ere they yield.

This oration was printed by the New York Age (New York, New York) on the front page of its Dec. 28, 1889, issue:

Nat Turner

A Senior Oration by a Student of the New York City College

Arthur W. Handy is a young man who graduated from Grammar School No. 81, of which Prof. Charles L. Reason is principal, some few years ago and entered the New York City College. He is at present a member of the graduating class and a candidate for the post of class orator next June. The following is his senior oration, entitled “A Hero,” it being one of three essays, limited to 550 words each, required to decide who shall occupy the position so highly prized.

“In every age, in every clime, heroes have arisen. Men who have laid down family ties, honor, and even life itself for the maintenance of a principle. Men whose courage and devotion under the most trying circumstances have caused mankind to wonder in silent admiration. The world knows nothing of some of its greatest heroes, for there are forms of greatness which die and make no sign. There are martyrs that miss the palm, but not the stake. Heroes without the laurels and conquerors without the triumph. It has been said and said truly that the times make the man. Greece had her Leonidas, Rome her Horatius and England her Cromwell: Nathaniel Turner was a hero! Characterized from the rest of his down-trodden brethren by natural aptitude, by dint of hard work in secret places Turner learned to read and write.

“Exercising his knowledge by reading such documents as the Right to Petition, Turner’s eyes were opened. He saw that all men were created free and equal. Immediately like a flash of lightning his whole being was suffused with a noble idea. Like Joan of Arc, he saw his mission in the flash of meteors, he heard his summons in the roaring of the wind. Collecting about him those whom he could trust, he planned a formidable uprising stretching from the land of Dixie to the palmetto groves of South Carolina. Slowly but surely the movement progressed. The time at last arrived when the blow was to have been struck. When the slave with sword in hand was to strike one blow for liberty. Was it done? Your histories do not record it. Nathaniel Turner was betrayed and by one of his own number. And yet how history repeats itself. How many such causes have been lost through treachery. Yet he died like a hero. No murmur escaped his lips. No sigh of regret for the failure of his plans.

“With his death ceased all such attempts for freedom until the immortal John Brown took up the cause. And yet how different were the surroundings of these two men, and still both aimed at the same result. Turner alone, friendless, with nothing but his ignorant companions to cheer him in the mighty struggle, worked with undaunted fortitude. Brown was watched and encouraged by a host of admiring friends. Thousands of dollars were appropriated for his scheme and some of the noblest spirits on this continent bade him God-speed. How strange it is that these two men, brought up under such different influences, should have been animated by the same desire. The crime for which Brown died at Harper’s Ferry was identical with the one for which Turner died in South Carolina [sic], the means by which it was to have been accomplished the same. And yet all the world unites in giving glory and honor to Brown while Turner is forgotten.

“Let those of us in whom the love of humanity responds to the spirit of the Bard Burns, who in his ‘Honest Poverty’ declares that ‘a man’s a man for a’ that,’ lift the veil of obscurity that shrouds the deeds of black men at the South. When the Nation’s history shall be written in the days to come Nathan Hale and Crispus Attucks will be accorded places side by side. May we not hope that John Brown and Nathaniel Turner will be surrounded with an equal halo of glory? Then rest in peace, thou more than hero, in other ages, in distant climes, when truth shall get a hearing, thy name shall be mentioned with reverence and with honor.”

While he was in jail, Turner had lengthy conversations with his lawyer, Thomas Ruffin Gray, from November 1-3, 1831. After Turner’s execution Gray published The Confessions of Nat Turner, which is thought to have sold over 50,000 copies in its first few months. An online edition of this book’s first edition can be read in the University of Nebraska-Lincoln’s “DigitalCommons.”

Be Sociable, Share!

The Curious Case of Sherlock Gregory: Social Justice Advocate or Proto-Know Nothing?

Monday, March 29th, 2010

Click to open in PDF

It is almost conventional wisdom to assert that the many, many thousands of private citizens’ petitions and memorials submitted to Congress and printed in the U.S. Congressional Serial Set give us in almost each case a window into the mind of the common man.

These men, and often also women, were exercising their right granted by the First Amendment “to petition the Government for a redress of grievances,” which often meant redress of damages, for claims of one kind or another—pensions in thousands of cases, and sometimes on behalf of a concern for more general issues beyond the needs of their particular cases, such as a plea for social justice. An example of that latter class is the brief memorial from a man named Sherlock Gregory, a citizen of Sand Lake in Rensselaer County, New York State, in 1838.

(more…)

Be Sociable, Share!